ÆTHELMEARC
COLLEGE OF HERALDS - commentary archive
Letter of Intent #74 Myfanwy ferch Rhiannon
Feast of the Epiphany
6 January AS XXXVIII Greetings from
Myfanwy! Herein pray
find commentary on Æ #74. I did not check any of the LoARs
past 7/03 (the most recent update in the O&A on the farreaches
site, but I figured I was being more than normally verbose as it was.
[I also thought, given the extra amount of time, that I would
actually get more done, but, as usual, I'm down to the wire again
:-( -- maybe
someday I'll get better at time management, but I don't promise it will
be soon!] I remain your
servant and the Society's.
Lady Myfanwy ferch Rhiannon
Ruth Morrisson RMorrisson@aol.com myfanwy@nauticom.net PS -- The [sic]
comments in #9 and and many in #12 and #13 refer to originally
italicized text (a couple in #12 also refer to small caps, which I
can't do in TextEdit); all the formatting was lost in the cut and paste
(I'm really starting to seriously hate Internet Explorer).
1. Alaric of
Mæidesstana The Withycombe
cite is as given (p. 8, s.n. Alaric). Alaric II, King of the
Visigoths, is mentioned by Gregory of Tours as a contemporary of the
Roman Emperors Theodosius and Valentinianus III (they all appear to be
4th century cites). I thought there
was something about the use of "Alaric" as a name element, but I did a
Precedent hunt [URL: http://www.sca.org/heraldry/laurel/precedents/CompiledNamePrecedents/index.html] and couldn't find
anything relevant. The only thing I found was that it was ruled
to conflict with "Alric", which wasn't what I was obviously
misremembering. _The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ (p. 57) cites an
Alric, son of Heardberht, killed in a battle in Whalley, Northumbria,
in April of 798.
2. Aleyd von
Kiel -- Azure, a crane in its vigilance and on a chief argent three
roses azure. The Talan docs
for "Aleyd" are as cited [URL: http://www.s-gabriel.org/names/talan/bahlow/bahlowFem.html]. I checked the
URL cited in the documentation for this submission. Yup, that's
what it says about Kiel. It also says:
Soon after 1244 a monastery had been built. This is a sign for
the high density of
population Kiel already had reached by that time. Kiel was
very well protected by the
surrounding waters. In the thirteenth century a wooden
fortification was built to strengthen
the defense. The weak spots towards the land were protected
by the castle of the count.
After a while the citizens of Kiel managed to take over the
office of the "Stadtvogt" (the city
governor), who originally was responsible to the duke. But
unlike Hamburg, Kiel was
never totally independent of the sovereign. During wars in
the 13th century the defense of
Kiel proved a success. Therefore, the army of Albrecht of
Brunswik had to withdraw in
1263 without having fulfilled the mission to take over the city.
Trade was important, but Kiel always had to fight against the
overwhelming foes and trade
competitors, the Hansa cities of Lübeck and Hamburg.
The more important transit-trade,
which florished [sic] in the first deacades [sic] increased and
the people had to look for new
markets. In 1283 Kiel received the Vitte (license of trade)
for the markets of Schonen by the
Danish King. Around the 13th century Kiel probably had 1800
to 2000 inhabitants.
Because of the high losses during the plague this number
decreased until the turn of the
century down to around 1600. Is seeding on
the roses to be blazoned? It appears to be differently tinctured.
According to the PIC-DIC (s.n. Crane, and fig. 146), "Its most
common posture is 'in its vigilance', standing on one foot and grasping
a stone in the other." So where's the stone? Does it
actually matter, or should this be reblazoned as something like
"passant"? Nice device,
otherwise.
probably clear of: Lynette Jaclyn Davéjean (3/93 Middle)
-- Azure, a dove and on a chief argent two roses proper. There is a CD
for the number and tincture of the tertiaries, and probably one for the
type of bird.
clear of: Abhainn Cíach Ghlais, Shire of (11/89 East) --
Azure, a heron close argent within a laurel wreath Or, on a chief
argent three oak leaves bendwise sinister inverted gules. There is a CD
for adding the laurel wreath, and one for changing the type and color
of the tertiaries.
clear of: Miriam Rivka vat Yisrael (2/02 Calontir) -- Azure, a
crane in its vigilance contourny and on a chief argent an arrow
reversed azure. There is a CD
for changing the orientation of the bird, and one for changing the type
and number of tertiaries.
clear of: Olaf Sveinsson (2/95 Ansteorra) -- Vert, a swan rousant
and on a chief argent three roses proper.
clear of: Timothy O'Byrne (11/95 Middle) -- Gules, a dove displayed
proper, on a chief argent three roses gules.
clear of: Raven Clough (2/02 Meridies) -- Sable, a hawk volant wings
addorsed and on a chief argent three roses gules. In each case,
there is a CD for changing the field tincture, and one for changing the
posture of the bird. Because only the tincture of the tertiaries
is changing, I don't believe that you get a CD for them under the
current Rules.
probably clear of: Muriel NicCord (8/01 West) -- Azure, an owl and on a
chief embattled argent three increscents azure. There is a CD
for changing to a complex line on the chief, and probably one for the
type of bird.
clear of: James Addison of Woolpit (7/81 West) -- Azure, a dove
descending and a chief invected argent. There is a CD
for changing to a complex line of division on the chief, and one for
removing the tertiaries. There may be one for the type/posture of
the bird.
probably clear of: Helvig Ulfsdotter (1/98 Drachenwald) -- Azure, a
duck rising wings elevated and addorsed and on a chief argent three
shamrocks vert. There is a CD
for changing the type and tinctures of the tertiaries and probably one
for changing the posture of the bird.
clear of: Cailean Aindrea Stewart (5/94 An Tir) -- Per saltire sable
and gules, a falcon close on a chief argent three thistles proper. There is a CD
for changing the field tincture, and one for the type and tincture of
the tertiaries. I'm not sure whether you would get a CD for
changing the bird's posture.
probably clear of: Dunecan Falkenar de la Leie (10/93 East) -- Azure,
three falcons rising displayed, each with the dexter wing inverted, on
a chief argent three crosses crosslet azure. I believe that
you get CDs for both changing the number of the birds and changing
their posture.
clear of: William the Mariner (1/91 East) -- Azure, a bantam cock
statant, wings elevated and addorsed, and on a chief embattled argent,
an annulet sable. There is a CD
for changing to a complex line on the chief, and one for significantly
changing the tertiaries (type, number and tincture). There may or
may not be one for the posture of the bird.
clear of: Cassandra Cappelletti (2/02 Calontir) -- Azure, a goose
rousant contourny and on a chief wavy argent three hurts. There is a CD
for changing the posture of the bird, and one for adding the complex
line to the chief. There is not, however, a significant change to
the tertiaries.
clear of: Nicoletta di Padova (8/95 East) -- Gules, a swan naiant and
on a chief wavy argent three roses gules. There is a CD
for changing the field tincture and one for adding the complex line.
There may be one for changing the posture of the bird, as well,
but there is not one for the tertiaries, since there only change
of tincture.
3. Damian
Kennison The Withycombe
cite is as given (p. 78, s.n. Damian).
4. Dmitrii
Zhirov -- Argent, a chevron quarterly gules and sable. The Wickenden
cites for both name elements are as given (pp. 68 and 420,
respectively). Is this in fact
quarterly? Or is it per pale and per chevron? The chevron is
a bit high up on the field and a bit too shallow an angle, but should
be okay. Nice device. Possible
reblazon: Argent, a chevron per pale and per chevron gules and sable.
clear of conflict
5. Emma Idunn The Withycombe
cite is as given (p. 103, s.n. Emma). Additionally, Withycombe
has dated citations for this spelling: 1186-1219, 1316, and 1401. The Reaney and
Wilson docs are also as given (p. 427).
6. Hrothgar
Ivarson -- Per chevron dovetailed gules and sable, in chief two
lozenges and in base two wolves statant argent. Geirr Bassi (p.
11) gives "Hró{d-}geirr. That's as close as it gets.
I don't have any better sources, and there is nobody by that name
in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. Geirr Bassi (p.
12) gives "Ivarr"; according to the section on forming patronymics (p.
17), "-rr " names change to an "-rs" form, which suggests that the
correct formation should be "Ivarsson". Reaney and Wilson (p.250,
s.n. Ivor) gives "Iverson" as a subsidiary header form, but
doesn't provide a dated citation for that spelling. The complex
line should have larger and fewer dovetails. The per chevron is
somewhat enhanced and probably should be blazoned as such. The
wolves are in pale and should also be blazoned as such. This is poor
style. Possible
reblazon: Per chevron enhanced dovetailed gules and sable, in chief two
lozenges and in base two wolves in pale statant argent.
clear of: Derrick of Kent (8/89 Caid) -- Per chevron enhanced gules and
sable in base in pale three wolves couchant argent. There is are
CDs for adding the lozenges, for changing the number of critters, and
for adding the complex partition line.
7. James of
Hartstone -- Gules, a mouse rampant and on a chief embattled argent
three apples gules. Withycombe (pp.
170-72, s.n. James) says "the name James (sic, not Jacobus) [sic]
occurs at the beginning of the 13th C", and also gives the submitted
spelling cited to 1240. Should the
apples be blazoned as slipped and leaved? According to the
PIC-DIC (s.n. Fruit and fig. 308b), apples have stems to chief by
default, but it doesn't say anything one way or the other about leaves. Possible
reblazon: Gules, a mouse rampant and on a chief embattled argent three
apples slipped and leaved gules.
clear of: Edgar the Unready (1/73 ??) -- Gules, a mouse rampant argent. There is a CD
for adding the chief and one for then charging it (and probably a third
one for having the complex line on the chief as well).
clear of: Ragnar Arason of Vinland (8/95 Middle) -- Gules, a rat sejant
erect guardant maintaining a sword and on a chief argent two ravens
close sable. There is a CD
for changing adding the complex line to the chief, and one for
substantially changing the tertiaries (type, number *and* tincture). I
would have normally given one for the change in posture, but upon
reflection, and without seeing the emblazon, I'm actually not so sure.
8. Klaus
Isenfaust (household name) -- House Isenfaust
9. Marioun Yong The cite for
"Marioun" is as given [URL: http://www.s-gabriel.org/names/talan/scottishfem/scottishfemlate.html]; the submitted
spelling is dated to 1528 and 1595. Additionally, Reaney and Wilson (p.
298, s.n. Marion) cites Richard Marioun [sic], dated to 1350. Reaney and
Wilson (p. 508, s.n. Young) gives the submitted spelling as a
subsidiary header form but does not give a dated citation. The
closest is for Walter Yonge [sic], dated to 1296.
10. Morien ap
Rhys of Cardiff (badge resub) -- (Fieldless) A triskele within and
conjoined to an annulet argent. The original
submission was returned for the manner in which the triskele was drawn
[URL: http://www.sca.org/heraldry/loar/2002/11/02-11lar.html]: The triskele
in this armory is drawn unacceptably. It has corners in the
middle of each arm, as if each arm of the triskele ended in a scythe
blade and handle, with a sharp angle where the "blade" joined the
"handle". A triskele should be drawn with smoothly curved arms. However, I'm
wondering now about comparing the original submission to a "triskelion
gammadion in annulo (PIC-DIc, fig. 757b).
clear of: Mikhail the Varangian (badge, 11/93 Atenveldt) -- Azure,
three drinking horns interlaced in a triskelion, pierced by their own
tip within a bordure argent. There is a CD
for field vs. fieldless, and one for changing the (separated) bordure
to a (conjoined) annulet.
probably clear of: Thorland O'Shea (badge, 2/91 Ansteorra) --
(Fieldless) A tau cross within an annulet argent. There is a CD
for fieldless vs. fieldless, and probably one for changing the cross to
a triskele (but because it is effectively a T-shape, it made me stop
and think a bit).
11. Reynold
Wolferton -- Quarterly vert and argent, two wolves rampant argent. There is no
herald of record? This is not
particularly well drawn, but is acceptable heraldry.
clear of: Marlo the Morose (6/83 West) -- Quarterly azure and gules, in
fess two poodles rampant argent. There is a CD
for changing the field, and one for the position/arrangement of the
dogs (i.e., from being in bend to being in fess).
clear of: Fergus MacLennan (11/02 Outlands) -- Quarterly embattled vert
and Or, in bend two wolves salient argent and in bend sinister two
Celtic crosses vert. There is a CD
for changing at least half the field, and one for adding the crosses.
12. Wolfgang
von dem Schwartzwald (badge) -- (Fieldless) A long cross paty [sic] Or,
overall two swords in saltire argent. No herald of
record? According to
the PIC-DIC, (s.n. Cross), the term "cross paty" is no longer used by
the College:
...in medieval blazon, it was used to denote any cross whose limbs
splayed. It was most
often used as a synonym for the cross patonce, but was also used for
the cross clechy,
cross fleury, or cross formy. The term is no longer used in SCA
blazonry, since it's both
ambiguous and non-medieval. The more
correct term should be "cross formy":
The "cross formy" [180] [sic] was drawn with
concave sides. as in the illustration, from
the earliest heraldry (c.1244) [sic] through the SCA period.
Beginning in the 16th Century,
it was also sometimes drawn with straight sides. the arms
may converge to a single point
at the artist's discretion; the splay of the arms should be
pronounced. Parker (s.n.
Cross) somewhat confuses the issue by using "cross pattée" or
"patty" [sic] (pp. 169-70, § 26), but also suggests that there was
also some confusion about the various terms themselves: (pp. 164-65,
§ 20, under Cross fleury [sic]):
We also find confusion in drawings between the
cross fleury [sic] [p. 165] and the cross
patonce [sic], which later, it will be seen, may be said to lie
between a cross fleury [sic] and
a cross patée [sic], according to some authorities, though
drawn differently by others. (p. 171, §
26, under Cross patée [sic]):
As to the synonym formée [sic] or
formy [sic], which appears to be used with modern
heralds as frequently as patty [sic], it is difficult to explain
its origin or meaning. One
example is found in a roll as early as Henry III. [sic], but no
other till a roll of Edw. III. [sic],
where certain small crosses are described as formé de lis
[sic], that is, made up of the four
flowers united in the centre [sic]. This may therefore be
the origin of the term, since it will
be ob- [sic] served that the same arms are blazoned in the
previous reign (see above) [sic]
as bearing 'iij crois patés' [sic]. It will be noted
also that, as read by NICOLAS [sic], the word
lis [sic] appears as lij [sic], but there can scarcely be much
room to doubt the true reading. (p. 172, §
27, under Cross patonce [sic]):
The cross figured in the margin is taken
from the glass in Dorchester Church, which is
not later than the early part of the fourteenth century, and may
therefore be said to be
contemporary with the man whose arms they represent, viz. William
LATIMER, [sic], Lord of
Corby, who sat in Parliament 1289–1305 [sic]. Bit if we
look at the blazon of the Latimer
arms in the earlier rolls we find the cross described as a cross
patée [sic], tough in later
times as cross patonce [sic]. This is a long
cross formy (PIC-DIC, figs. 180 and 188); it could also be reblazoned
as a "Latin cross formy" or a "Passion cross formy". The swords do
not appear to be centered on the cross.
clear of: Alberic von Rostock (5/96 East) -- Azure, a tower surmounted
by two rapiers inverted in saltire argent.
clear of: Paul of Hameldone (8/79 ??) -- Purpure, a heart gules
fimbriated, overall two rapiers inverted in saltire argent.
clear of: Ferrante La Volpe (9/97 Artemisia) -- Quarterly purpure and
vert, an annulet Or fretted with two swords inverted in saltire proper. In each case,
there is a CD for field vs. fieldless, and one for changing the primary
charge.
clear of: Northshield, Principality of (badge, 5/98 Middle) --
(Fieldless) A cross clechy Or within and conjoined to an annulet
argent. However, I'm not sure how much you get for changing the
type of cross. There is a CD
for fieldless vs. fieldless, and one for changing the swords to an
annulet.
13. Zara the
Quiet (household name and badge) -- Plant Ddraig -- Per fess indented
Or and azure, a dragon and a catamount passant counterchanged. Name registered
5/93 (East). I tried to look
up the words in a modern Welsh dictionary, but there is no guarantee
that they will be the 8th century words. [In fact, the modern
word "house" translates to "t{^y}" (sorry, that's supposed to be a ^
over the y, but my computer won't do that)]. "Plant" appears to
be a variant of the masculine noun "plentyn" ("child"). "Draig" is the
feminine noun "dragon"; "ddraig" appears to be the mutated form, but I
can't tell whether it actually would change in this case (aka
"Tangwystl: Help!"). Additionally (especially after having read
the submitted documentation and commentary on #8) I'm not sure that
this would even be an appropriate type of household name. [Addendum
12/17/03] -- I just read the
post from Rosamunde Axebridge. As far as I can tell:
1. The info about Plant Owain seems to be that it is entirely
modern, and therefore not relevant to the request for 8th century Welsh.
2. The info about Plant y Dwr [URL: http://scan.nmgw.ac.uk/waterbabies/_teachers/teachers.cy.shtml] is entirely in
Welsh, with no translation into English, and therefore not particularly
useful to the discussion at hand ("Waterbabies" could, AFAIK, refer to
either a children's swimming/water safety program or to the children's
book _The Waterbabies_, which was, IIRC
correctly, written in the Edwardian era.
3. The info about Plant y Cymoedd [URL: http://www.celfyddydauieuenctid.org.uk/], like the info
about Plant Owain, seems to be entirely modern.
4. The info from Dr. Rhys quoted by Rosamunde is more useful, but, just
like my Welsh Dictionary, appears to be modern Welsh grammar and usage:
>IV. I made inquiries to an acquaintance of mine, Dr.
Dulais Rhys,
>Ph.D. University of Bangor, Wales. His specialty is the
History of
>Welsh Music. Welsh is his first language. I enclose the body
of his
>reply:
>Bore da Ms Ffion, a diolch yn fawr am y neges!
>'of the' yn Gymraeg = 'y' in between the subject &
object e.g. tad y
>mab = the father of the son/the son's father. So Children of the
>Dragon/Dragon's Children = 'Plant y Ddraig' .... is the more proper
way.
>
Diolch a hwyl fawr - Dulais
5. As to this info [URL: http://www.welshwales.co.uk/magic_of_wales.htm], we all know about
the Welsh Red Dragon but it isn't really all that relevant (after all,
my original badge submission had a dragon passant gules on an argent
field, and had conflicts with all sorts of of really bad Victorian
armory of red dragons holding stuff -- like the symbol for the Welsh
National Railroad, which was holding a locomotive!)
Results: Plant
y Ddraig is probably better grammar, but I'm still not convinced that
it would be appropriate for the 8th century. It really sounds
awfully nationalistic, especially for a time period in which there
separate small kingdoms (Gwynedd, Powys, an so on) -- much as in
England, where one finds the kingdoms of Wessex, Mercia, etc.
Williams (pp. 44-5) says:
In their monasteries their scholars were
elaborating a history for their kingdoms. They
were joined by the poets and the story-tellers [sic] who erected
a hypnotic and fabulous
structure of memory, legend, myth and history into a
perception which was Welsh and was
expressed in a language which was moving out of Late Brittonic to
become unmistakably
Welsh. This was the world which was offered to an man and
woman of the kingdoms who
could raise their eyes above the bro [sic] -- or indeed listen to
a story over [p. 45] a fire. And
it was a world which carried them straight back into the other
world of Macsen Wledig and
Vortigern and Germanus and Ambrosius, a world dominated
more and more by the giant
figure of Arthur. This few and fragile people took the
whole inheritance of Britain on their
shoulder. And late in the eighth century they were
confronted with an imperial Offa, king of
the Mercians, who had the effrontery to score his Dyke across
their land and shut them out
as foreigners. In the
beginning of the next chapter, Williams (p. 47) says:
In the ninth century the political order
which had emerged among the peoples west of
Offa's Dyke broke down. The ruling dynasty of Dyfed- [sic]
Deheubarth ran out in 814, that
of Gwynedd in 825, and of Powys in 855.
Into the vacuum stepped a new breed, the
High Kings of all Wales. the first of them took
over all Wales outside Glywysing by 878; he fought Vikings and
English and though he
was cut down in battle, he set a precedent and created a dynasty,
grounded in Gwynedd,
which took all Wales as its patrimony. He was Rhodri Mawr,
the only king in Welsh history
called Great. The second set up the dynasty in
Dyfed-Deheubarth and by 950 ruled all
Wales outside Morgannwg. He presided over a great
codification of the laws of Wales,
which henceforth bore his name. One Wales was to have one
law. He was Hywel Dda,
the only king in Welsh history called Good.
At much the same time a written literature
emerges, in charters, annals, scholarly works,
histories, poetry and prose, in Latin and in a language which was
now unmistakably
Welsh. These people were giving themselves an identity. Williams
appears to suggest that prior to the 9th century, there was not a
"Wales" or "Welsh language" per se; rather, it seems that it is more of
a British/Brythonic culture, language, and identity. A unified
(more or less) Wales and Welsh identity does appear in the 9th century,
but that is not the time period the submitter asked for. Walker
(pp. 2-4) is more specific:
Wales, like England in the dark [sic] ages,
was a land of multiple king- [sic] ship. The
rugged terrain, with impenetrable mountain massifs and
inhospitable upland ranges,
broken by river valleys, did not make for a unified control or a
unified development. The
boundary with England was not marked by natural defences [sic],
and productive low- [sic]
land areas as well as profitable upland pastures were pen to
frequent attacks. Not until
Offa of Mercia built his dyke in the second half of the eighth
century was there a linear
frontier, and then that was designed to deter Welsh attacks and
to control trade across the
frontier. Small local communities acknowledged a ruler
whose prin- [sic] cipal function
might seem at times to wage war on his neighbours [sic] and to
plunder their lands. In
general, war made them defensive. The Welsh were the
remnants of the British population
which had been conquered by the Romans and, after their
departure, by Germanic
peoples emigrating from northern Europe into Britain.
Anglo- [sic] Saxon codes of law and
place-names [sic] suggest the survival of 'British' or
'Welsh' communities in the English
kingdoms. Those who remained free from English control did
so by seeking refuge in the
west and finding it in Wales; by maintaining constant vigil
against English encroachments,
they defended a distinctive language and culture....
The principal divisions of Wales were the four
major kingdoms, or principalities.
Gwynedd was based on the Snowdonia massif and on Anglesey.
Powys stretched from
the borders of Mercia into central Wales. Dyfed, in the
south-west [sic], has been thought to
rep- [sic] resent the survival of every early traditions some
pre-Roman, some linked with the
settlement of those who spoke the Goedelic form of Celtic.
Deheubarth was a general
name for the whole of south Wales, [p. 3] but in later centuries,
certainly by the eleventh
century, it was a recognisable [sic] kingdom extending from
Ceredigion on the west coast
to Brycheiniog on the English border. As Dyfed declined, so
Deheubarth absorbed parts of
south-west [sic] Wales. In the eleventh and twelfth
centuries, under pressure of Norman
attacks and settlement, that part of Deheubarth which remained
independent grew
smaller; the name implies a different range of territory in
different periods. [p. 4] An early
kingdom of Glywysing broke up into smaller units, the kingdom of
Morgannwg, the cantref
[sic] of Gwynll{ˆw}g, and the divisions of Gwent Uwchcoed (Upper
Gwent) and Gwent
Iscoed (Nether Gwent). Brycheiniog was an independent
kingdom during the dark ages,
though it came within the orbit of the later kingdom of
Deheubarth. Two areas were
disputed territory. In the north there was the land known
as the Perfeddwlad, or the Middle
Country, which was considered as the land between Gwynedd and
Powys. It was made up
of four cantrefi [sic], Rhos, Rhufoniog, Dyffryn Clwyd and
Tegeingl, and in common
parlance it could often be called the Four Cantreds. In the
south there was a small territory
which was known in Old English as Ircingafeld [sic]; from the
time of the Domesday Book it
has produced forms leading to the modern Archenfield in English
-- in Welsh, Erging. All
these are derived from the British Ariconium [sic]. From
the late eleventh and early twelfth
centuries this territory was absorbed into Herefordshire.
These are the territories which are
secure; there are other kingdoms which disappeared or were
absorbed into larger units,
notably Buellt and Ceredigion. The charges are
kinda small -- they don't fill the space well (begging the question of
course as to why this armory is masquerading as a badge...sigh). Possible
reblazon: Per fess indented Or and azure, [in pale] a dragon passant
and a catamount passant counterchanged. clear of
conflict
Bibliography Bruce
Draconarius of Mistholme [Bruce Miller] and Akagawa Yoshio [Kevin
Munday]. _A
Pictorial Dictionary of Heraldry: As Used in The Society for
Creative Anachronism_, 2nd.
Ed., 1992. Garmonsway, G.
N. (trans.). _The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, Rev. Ed.
London: J. M. Dent &
Sons, Ltd.; and New York: E. F. Dutton & Co Inc., 1953, 1960.
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